Naftali Bennett

Former Prime Minister of Israel.

Naftali Bennett is one of Israel’s most widely recognised and divisive figures.
Making his fortune in the tech industry, he entered politics in 2006, serving as Netanyahu’s chief of staff from 2006 until 2008. Long presumed to be the leader’s natural protégé, the two fell out when Bennett defected. Between 2012 and 2018, he led the Orthodox Zionist party The Jewish Home, before leaving to head the New Right party, a position he held until 2022. In June 2021, he was sworn in as Prime Minister of Israel. Today, he is in the midst of starting his own party, registered earlier this year under the name Bennett 2026.

Why did we invite him on?

Even among Israelis, Bennett is a controversial figure. Describing himself as “to the right of Netanyahu”, he has spent his political career advocating an expansionist view of Israel, going as far as to say he would "do everything in [his] power to make sure [Palestinians] don’t get a state.”

However, he has also frequently condemned the conduct with which Israel has carried out its war and the manner in which some of its most powerful figures have spoken about it. He has talked openly about his wish for Netanyahu - his former boss - to be removed from power.

We wanted to hear more about his take on the conflict, and see it through the eyes of someone who - in another world - might have found himself leading his country through it.

What did we talk about?

”Israel is in an uphill battle. The best thing we can do is bring a rapid end to the war; we should have won it in half a year. We need to bring the hostages home and turn a new page for the country.”

The broad sentiment echoes Netanyahu in his interview with us several weeks ago. Then, the Prime Minister explained that, in his mind, the only way out of the war was through it - only through vanquishing Hamas and bringing home the hostages would peace be possible. As Naftali himself explains, “70% of Israel agrees on 70% of the issues”, and whether or not Hamas should be allowed to exist is one of them.

But that’s about as far as the parallels go. Naftali is no dove, but even he has found much of what his colleagues in government have said to be distasteful, and counter to the Israeli interest.

”It’s no secret that I’m very critical of this government … There are way too many statements that should not have been said by ministers in this government, and the world takes it seriously, and it ties our hands in fighting a very just war.”

Without naming names, several examples of such behaviour leap to mind. Namely, Smotrich’s vow to have Gaza “entirely destroyed” and send its people fleeing to “third world countries” in “great numbers”. Netanyahu waved this away as hyperbolic politicking; the kind of disagreements that we expect and accept as part of a vibrant democracy. Naftali doesn’t see it that way.

”All Israelis agree on removing Hamas; there is no debate in Israel. But when ministers in the government come up with preposterous statements… the world becomes suspicious of Israel. This extremist rhetoric is not serving Israel at all, and it’s not what Israel is about.”

But that’s not all. Not only do these kinds of remarks distort the country’s image internationally, making it difficult to curry support or sympathy for their cause; they divide the population internally. Division manifests in places where there would ordinarily be wide agreement, and the words of certain figures enflame tensions that ought not exist.

”The current leadership is divisive, polarising, and uses that polarisation as a political vehicle. It works, but it’s detrimental to the country. We need to be united from within.”

But united in pursuit of what? What is it that Israel wants?